civilisation along the whole coasts of the maritime globe, in modern times.

Let us not, then, regret the difficulties which are to terminate in beneficence, the pains which beget immortality: the religious fervour of the seventeenth century planted the British seed in the western, the political zeal of the nineteenth has spread the AngloSaxon race through the southern hemisphere. The nation may well be in travail, for a new world has sprung from its bosom. Acknowledging with heartfelt thankfulness the direction of Supreme Intelligence, which thus makes alike the virtues and vices, the passions and greatness, the wisdom and folly of men the instruments for the furtherance of its designs, for the advancement of mankind, let us never forget that it is regulated freedom which alone can be the agent in this mighty scheme of beneficence; that the frantic passions of extreme democracy burst the overstrained spring of human improvement; and that, if we would co-operate permanently in the designs of Providence for the progress of the world, we can do so only by promoting that faith, and discharging those duties which are enjoined alike by the dictates of experience, and the book of Salvation.

CHAPTER XVI.

ON THE CORN LAWS.

ARGUMENT.

Permanent cause which in all old established states renders agricultural protection indispensable, if they would preserve their national independence-Argument against this by the Anti-Corn Law Advocates-Argument on the other side by the Agriculturists-Free Importation of Grain would in the outset lower, but not in the end materially affect, the price of provisions-Permanently reduced prices and permanently overflowing supply cannot coexist—Instances of the impossibility of this from the case of separate cities-And countries -Fall in the price of subsistence would not benefit the condition of the People -As wages would immediately fall in the same proportion-Manufacturers would not be benefited—As the home market for their produce would be lost greater than the foreign gained-Superior importance of the home to the foreign consumption of our manufactures-Value of the agricultural produce of the Nation-And our Manufactures-Proportions of the people employed in these different interests-Dangers of free admission of foreign grain to our national independence-Immense resources of British agriculture-Important effect of Corn Laws in equalizing prices-Example of the effect of agricultural plenty on general prosperity from four years preceding 1836—And of the opposite effect from the four bad years since that time-Nations from whom we import corn will not take our manufactures-Reasons of this jealousy of our commercial greatness-Vast inferiority of the markets for our manufacturing produce in these nations to that afforded by our own cultivators,

"IT is to no purpose," said Dr Johnson, "to tell me that eggs are only a penny the dozen in the Highlands. -That is not because eggs are many; but because pence are few." This caustic but profound observation of the great sage of the eighteenth century, points to the reason which in every age has rendered it indispensable for a nation which aspires to remain indepen

dent to give legislative protection to its agricultural industry, in the later stages of society. The same reason perpetually operates to compel such protection, which must always render any attempt at establishing an extensive commercial intercourse with such states on the footing of real reciprocity impracticable; viz. that prices inevitably rise in the old and wealthy community from the great quantity of the precious metals, or the existing currency which their opulence enables them, and their numerous mercantile transactions compel them, to keep in circulation; and, consequently, the necessaries of life can only be raised at a higher money cost by its inhabitants than by the cultivators of ruder and poorer states. When this state of matters has arrived, the nation must do one of two things: either it must by fiscal duties screen its native agriculture from the effects of foreign competition, or it must be content to see its fields return to pasturage, and its rural population melt away, while the supplies of the nation are mainly obtained from foreign states. The great law of Nature, already noticed, intended for the equalization of the encouragement of industry, and the spread of population over the globe, and to prevent either from becoming pent up within the limits of a single state, necessarily induces this result; and accordingly it has been exemplified in ancient times for a very long period, and on the greatest possible scale. Rome, from enjoying the dominion over the whole civilized nations which dwelt on the shores of the Mediterranean, of necessity, and in a true liberal spirit, allowed them all a free trade in grain; and the consequence was, that, for the four last centuries of the empire, agriculture

continually declined in the Italian provinces: the sturdy old race of cultivators, the strength of the legions, disappeared; the vast estates of the nobles cultivated by slaves were devoted to pasturage; and it was the complaint of its historians, that the existence of the Roman people had been left to the chance of the winds and the waves, and that the mistress of the world depended for its subsistence upon the floods of the Nile.*

As this progressive and unavoidable change, however, comes to affect seriously the interests or supposed interests of different classes in the old established community, it has in this country become the object of vehement contention.

Wheat, it is said, can be raised in Poland at from twenty-one to twenty-five shillings a-quarter, and it may be laid down at any time at any harbour in Great Britain at from twenty-five to thirty shillings. If, then, the harbours were permanently opened, we should obtain provisions at little more than half the price which we at present pay for them. The advantages of such a change would be incalculable; every poor man would find himself suddenly in possession of double his income. The large surplus which would remain at the disposal of all classes, after providing for their necessary wants, would immensely increase their general comfort, and proportionally augment the quantity of the luxuries and conveniences of life they would be enabled to purchase. The home market for our manufacturers would thus increase with the prosperity of all the industrious classes. The foreign vent for our manufacturing industry

* Tacitus, Ann. xii. 53. Gibbon, vi. 235.

would be equally extended, by the vast impulse which would be given to foreign agriculture by the increased demand for its productions in this country, and the increased wealth which our extensive purchases of their produce would diffuse through foreign states. The agricultural classes, or labourers, who might be thrown out of employment in the British islands, in the first instance, would speedily find a more profitable occupation for themselves and their families, by engaging in the manufacturing establishments, to whom this auspicious change would communicate an unheard of degree of activity and extension. All classes would in the end be benefited who really deserve encouragement-few, even for a time, injured in the disposal of their industry. None, in the long run, will suffer but the selfish aristocrats, who have hitherto saved themselves from insolvency, by levying an enormous tax upon the other classes of the community.

The supporters of the agricultural interest argue after a different manner. Experience, they observe, has now abundantly proved that the British cultivator, oppressed as he is by the weight of taxes, poor's rates, and high prices, from which the agriculturists of poorer or more fertile states are relieved, cannot maintain the struggle under a system of free competition. If, therefore, foreign grain be admitted free of duty, the unavoidable consequence will be, that the British cultivators will be driven out of the market; a great proportion of the arable land in the country will be restored to a state of nature; the vast capital employed in bringing it to its present state will in a few years be destroyed; the agricultural interest will be essentially injured; and if so, will the manufac