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ity, or power, to meet some want of man, directly or indirectly. Noticing the similarity in effects, several economists have adopted the term services in the place of goods or values. They speak of the exchange of services when they mean the exchange of goods. Bastiat and Perry employ the word service in their definitions of value. But this obscures an important economic distinction between the two. All goods may be serviceable, and hence services; but all services are not goods.

The true service must be rendered directly to the person, and the effort must be repeated with each enjoyment of the service. In goods the service is stored up, and may be preserved, transported, and enjoyed as often as one pleases, and as long as the goods last.

The power of true service lies in the person serving, and can not be alienated or transferred. Its use alone can be sold, and for the occasion only. In goods the power to serve is impersonal, and can be transferred as property.

It goes to make

up the volume of material wealth, whose aggregations constitute one of the three fields of economic science. The common sense of the world recognizes the difference and counts upon it.

150. Numbers of service workers.-The economic importance of services will be better understood by noting how large a part of the industry of the world is employed in this way. In the United States, in 1870, out of a population of 28,228,945 over ten years of age, 12,505,923 were engaged in regular occupations. Of these, 2,684,793 (1,618,121 males and 1,066,672 females) were employed in personal or professional services, including 2,053 actors, 43,874 clergymen, 975,734 domestic servants, 5,286 journalists, 40,736 lawyers, 62,383 physicians and surgeons, 126,822 teachers, and 1,031,666 whose field of labor was not specified in the returns. More than one fifth of the working force of the country was employed in these various services. The proportion is largest where wealth most abounds. The poor are compelled to be their own

servants, except as they are served by their children. If the services of children under ten years of age were counted in, our aggregate would be swelled still higher.

Among the service workers may be counted, also, many establishments and business companies, the whole or a portion of whose occupation is to render immediate personal gratification. Such are the theaters, the public shows of all sorts, concerts, art galleries and museums, and also steamers, railroads, and public carriages, when used for simple pleasure excursions. When these latter are employed in the transportation of goods or laborers, they add to the economic value of such goods and labor; but, in pleasure excursions, the transportation is a simple personal gratification or aid to such gratification, and consumes value but produces none, except in the indirect way before described.

151. Prices of services.-The prices paid for the different classes of services follow the laws of material values. In common household and personal service, the element strength enters largely, and that of skill less; and the skill required is usually of a low order. Such services would ordinarily, therefore, command only moderate wages were there no disturbing causes. Servants who attain higher skill, and prove themselves especially trustworthy, gain much higher wages; and expert cooks sometimes win salaries equal to the best paid to the learned professions.

Lawyers, physicians, teachers, and other intellectual laborers are supposed to require special knowledge and technical skill, and their service is accordingly held as of higher value than merely manual service. When by extraordinary study or eminent talent they rise to rare excellence in their calling, their services are valued accordingly.

The laws of demand and supply apply to services as well as to goods. Whenever, by reason of the supposed ease, popularity, or other advantages of any professional calling or class of service, it becomes overcrowded, the work of such calling or

class falls in the market, and the wages go down. So, on the other hand, if any field of service comes to be counted as disagreeably laborious or degraded, and a consequent scarcity of such service prevails, the demand raises the price as far as the actual need of such service will allow. This will explain many cases which are ordinarily counted as anomalous, especially in the employments of women whose range of work is smaller than that of men, and who are much more sensitive to the esteem in which their business is held. They crowd the professions which are open to them, or those which they deem it respectable to enter, as the teachers' calling, and, by their own crowding and competition, lower the wages to their own sex. An enlargement of the sphere of work open to and respectable for women, will tend to equalize wages between men and

women.

Large amounts of service are gratuitous, being done by friends for friends; parents for children, or children for parents; but as this does not enter into the field of economic science, it need not be considered.

CHAPTER XIV.

ORGANIZATION OF LABOR.

152. The three stages of organization.-Labor has thus far been seen in its factors and in its classes. It remains to study it in its organization and in its economic conditions. It is to be kept constantly in mind that in these chapters labor is treated purely as an economic force; and that all questions of the rights and social relations of the laborer are reserved to the field of Social Science. The question here concerns the methods and amount of work.

The phrase "organization of labor" has been applied, by socialists and others, to the combination or organization of laborers, and not for the purpose of promoting their laboring power and productiveness, but for mutual aid and protection. This organization is aside from the present discussion, and will find its place in Social Economy.

In the history of the industries, labor presents itself under three broadly-marked stages of organization:

1. Solitary or undistributed, in which each laborer does all kinds of work.

2. Divided into trades and distinct employments.

3. The division of labor, or its distribution by processes. These follow each other in a regular and historic order; but they may often be found cöexisting in the same times and in the same country.

153. First stage.-Undistributed labor.-The first form prevails chiefly in the savage and nomadic states of society, in

which each man builds his own hut, makes his own weapons, dresses the skins for his own clothing, and hunts his own food.

The only organization of labor in such a state, is the simple massing of laborers-several hunters uniting in the same hunt, or several herdsmen tending the united herds-where all are engaged in the same work, and where they seek, by union, only the advantage of numbers and of combined strength.

In this stage, the labors are necessarily simple; the skill required is small, and the products are rude in character and little in amount. The laborers rarely attempt any thing more than the supply of present physical wants. Nothing is stored for the future, except the meager food supplies for the coming winter. The notion of property is imperfectly recognized; community of land and most other goods prevails, and capital, as a productive agency, is unthought of. Each shares with others whatever he has acquired, or takes by force or stealth whatever he wants.

154. Labor of savages.-The fitful and feeble efforts of the savage can scarcely be called labor. Without skill or steadiness, these spasmodic and lazy efforts give slight hint of that magnificent and enduring force of civilized labor which feeds and enriches the great states and empires of enlightened men. The tools of this stage are restricted to the rude hatchet and knife of flint, the spears, bows, and arrows used alike in war and the hunt, and a few other rude implements shaped from wood, stone, or bone, or from the skins or horns of the animals they kill. These are the only aids which labor seeks from the mechanic powers in the savage state.

The toil is spent chiefly in gathering nature's free gifts, and little attempt is made to increase or improve them. A thousand acres of land, in temperate climes, yields food for a single man, and famines often drive the starving inhabitants to seek provisions by invading the haunts of other tribes.

When labor advances from hunting to herding, food becomes more abundant, or at least more constant; but labor, though

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