By ARTHUR YOUNG, Esq. F. R. S. Honorary Member of the Societies of DUBLIN, BATH, YORK, SALFORD, and ODIHAM; the BURY ST. EDMUND'S: PRINTED BY J. RACKHAM; FOR W. RICHARDSON, ROYAL-EXCHANGE, LONDON. MDCCXCII. IT is a question whether modern history has any thing more curious to offer to the attention of the politician, than the progress and rivalship of the French and English empires, from the ministry of Colbert to the revolution in France. In the course of those 130 years, both have figured with a degree of splendour that has attracted the admiration of mankind. In proportion to the power, the wealth, and the resources of these nations, is the interest which the world in general takes in the maxims of political economy by which they have been governed. To examine how far the system of that economy has influenced agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and public felicity, is certainly an inquiry of no flight importance; and so many books have been composed on the theory of these, that the public can hardly think that time misemployed which attempts to give THE PRACTICE. The furvey which I made, some years past, of the agriculture of England and Ireland (the minutes of which I published under the title of Tours), was such a step towards understanding the state of our husbandry as I shall not prefume to characterise; there are but few of the European nations that do not read these Tours in their own language; and, notwithstanding all their faults and deficiencies, it has been often regretted, that no fimilar description of France could be resorted to, either by the farmer or the politician. Indeed it could not but be lamented, that this vast kingdom, which has so much figured in history, were likely to remain another century unknown, with respect to those circumstances that are the objects of my inquiries. An hundred and thirty years have passed, including one of the most active and confpicuous reigns upon record, in which the French power and resources, though much overstrained, were formidable to Europe. How far were that power and those resources founded on the permanent basis of an enlightened agriculture? How far on the more infecure support of manufactures and commerce? How far have wealth and power and exterior splendour, from whatever cause they may have arisen, reflected back upon the people the profperity they implied? Very curious inquiries; yet refolved insufficiently by those whose political reveries are spun by their firefides, or caught flying as they are whirled through Europe in post-chaises. A man who is not practically acquainted with agriculture, knows not how to make thofe A 2 : those inquiries; he scarcely knows how to discriminate the circumstances productive of misery, from those which generate the felicity of a people; an assertion that will not appear paradoxical, to those who have attended closely to these subjects. At the same time, the mere agriculturist, who makes fuch journies, fees little or nothing of the connection between the practice in the fields, and the resources of the empire; of combinations that take place between operations apparently unimportant, and the general interest of the state; combinations so curious, as to convert, in some cases, well cultivated fields into scenes of misery, and accuracy of husbandry into the parent of national weakness. These are subjects that never will be understood from the speculations of the mere farmer, or the mere politician; they demand a mixture of both; and the investigation of a mind free from prejudice, particularly national prejudice; from the love of system, and of the vain theories that are to be found in the closets of speculators alone. God forbid that I should be guilty of the vanity of supposing myself thus endowed! I know too well the contrary; and have no other pretenfion to undertake so arduous a work, than that of having reported the agriculture of England with fome little success. Twenty years experience, fince that attempt, may make me hope to be not less qualified for similar exertions at present. The clouds that, for four or five years past, have indicated a change in the political sky of the French hemisphere, and which have since gathered to so fingular a storm, have rendered it yet more interesting, to know what France was previously to any change. It would indeed have been matter of aftonishment, if monarchy had risen, and had set in that region, without the kingdom having had any examination professedly agricultural. The candid reader will not expect, from the registers of a traveller, that minute analysis of common practice, which a man is enabled to give, who refides fome months, or years, confined to one spot; twenty men, employed during twenty years, would not effect it; and supposing it done, not one thousandth part of their labours would be worth a perusal. Some fingularly enlightened districts merit such attention; but the number of them, in any country, is inconfiderable; and the practices that deserve such a study, perhaps, still fewer : to know that unenlightened practices exist, and want improvement, is the chief knowledge that is of use to convey; and this rather for the statesman than the farmer. No reader, if he knows any thing of my situation, will expect, in this work, what the advantages of rank and fortune are necessary to produce-of such I had none to exert, and could combat difficulties with no other arms than unremitted attention, and unabating industry. Had my aims been seconded by that success in life, which gives energy to effort, and vigour to purfuit, the work would have been more worthy of the public eye; but such success must, in this kingdom, kingdom, be sooner looked for in any other path than in that of the plough; the non ullus aratro dignus honos, was not more applicable to a period of confufion and bloodshed at Rome, than to one of peace and luxury in England. One circumstance I may be allowed to mention, because it will shew, that whatever faults the ensuing pages contain, they do not flow from any prefumptive expectation of success: a feeling that belongs to writers only, much more popular than myself: when the publisher agreed to run the hazard of printing these papers, and some progress being made in the journal, the whole MS. was. put into the compositor's hand to be examined, if there were a sufficiency for a volume of fixty sheets; he found enough prepared for the press to fill 140: and I assure the reader, that the successive employment of striking out and mutilating more than the half of what I had written, was executed with more indifference than regret, even though it obliged me to exclude several chapters, upon which I had taken confiderable pains. The publisher would have printed the whole; but whatever faults may be found with the author, he ought at least to be exempted from the imputation of an undue confidence in the public favour; fince, to expunge was undertaken as readily as to compose.-So much depended in the second part of the work on accurate figures, that I did not care to trust to myself, but employed a schoolmaster, who has the reputation of being a good arithmetician, for examining the calculations, and I hope he has not let any material errors escape him. The revolution in France was a hazardous and critical subject, but too important to be neglected; the details I have given, and the reflections I have ventured, will, I trust, be received with candour, by those who confider how many authors, of no inconfiderable ability and reputation, have failed on that difficult theme: the course I have steered is so removed from extremes, that I can hardly hope for the approbation of more than a few; and I may apply to myself, in this instance, the words of Swift:-" I have the ambition, common with other reasoners, to wish at least that both parties may think me in the right; but if that is not to be hoped for, my next wish should be, that both might think me in the wrong; which I would understand as an ample justification of myself, and a fure ground to believe that I have proceeded at least with impartiality, and perhaps with truth." REDUCTION |