ral blessings, opens the way to an eternal futurity of happiness.

I have already confessed that I am not experienced or skilful in matters which touch the commercial part of the question. I tread this ground with diffidence. I say no more, than that it appears to me that the soil in Africa being rich, and the people being found upon it, it is not advisable to carry them to a distance. It is possible, however, that some fallacy, unsuspected by me, may lurk under my theory, if theory of mine it can be called; but when I come to humanity, justice, and the duties of Christian men, I stand upon a rock. It may be, or it may not, that while we act under the impulse of charity to the most afflicted of mankind, we are also obeying the dictates of the most far-sighted policy, and the most refined ambition. It may prove, or it may not, that while we are leading Africa to grow at home, cheaper sugar than Brazil, and cheaper cotton than the United States, we are renovating the very sinews of our national strength. Be this as it may, without doubt it is the duty of Great Britain to employ the influence and the strength which God has given her, in raising Africa from the dust, and enabling her, out of her own resources, to beat down Slavery and the Slave Trade.

I am aware that it is quite a different question whether the means I propose are practicable, and likely to be crowned with success. It belongs to the nation to consider whether the suggestions now

offered, and the policy which I have ventured to recommend, are likely to eradicate that mighty evil which desolates Africa, degrades Europe, and afflicts humanity. If it shall appear that my views are not chimerical, that they have some grounds of reason in themselves, and are fortified by a great mass of evidence of a practical nature, and if it shall appear that, whether we look to the great interests of humanity, or consult the prosperity and honour of the British empire, it is our duty to proceed, undeterred by difficulty, peril, or expense, then I trust that steps will be taken boldly and rapidly, for the accomplishment of the object.

But if it shall appear that this, and every other plan is likely to be futile, or, if the Government shall not feel itself justified in braving the difficulties and expense which will be required, then must I express my painful conviction, that it would be better for the interests of humanity that we should withdraw altogether from the struggle ;-better to let the planters of America satiate themselves with their victims, than to interpose our efforts, unavailing in reducing the magnitude of the evil, while they exasperate the miseries which belong to it,-better to do nothing than to go on, year after year, at great cost, adding to the disasters, and inflaming the wounds of Africa. But I cannot contemplate such a result,—I must hope better things.

The case is now fairly laid before the nation. It belongs to no individual, to no party,—it is a distinct

and isolated question. My desire has been to lay it upon the national conscience of Great Britain. There I must leave it; having fully stated what I believe to be the only remedy, and the best means of applying that remedy.

I find, in the sacred writings, a faithful picture of sorrows, such as those with which Africa is now afflicted; but I find also annexed to that description a prophetic promise, which we must fervently desire to see realised to miserable Africa :

"Thus saith the Lord of Hosts,-Before these days there was no hire for man, nor any hire for beast: neither was there any peace to him that went out, or came in, because of the affliction: for I set all men, every one against his neighbour.

"But now I will not be unto the residue of this people as in the former days, saith the Lord of Hosts.

"For the seed shall be prosperous; the vine shall give her fruit, and the ground shall give her increase, and the Heavens shall give their dews: and I will cause the remnant of this people to possess all these things."

APPENDIX A.

On Facilities of making Treaties.

THE following instances may prove the disposition of the native chiefs to form connexions with us:

Sir Charles MacCarthy, in giving an account of the negotiations for taking possession of the Isles de Loss, states, that the treaty" was made with great facility, without drunkenness or bribery *." In 1826 the king of Barra ceded to Great Britain, by treaty, a tract of land on the northern shore of the Gambia, 36 miles in length, by one in breadth, for 400 Spanish dollars yearly; all slave-trading to be finally prohibited. In 1827 the king of Combo guaranteed to the British crown rights nearly amounting to sovereignty over his dominions, extending about 30 miles along the southern bank of the river, and 10 miles along the coast, and from 10 to 15 miles in breadth, with the prohibition of the Slave Trade, for an annual payment of 100 dollars.

Treaties with the king of Bulola and Biafra, made by Sir Neil Campbell, cede the sovereignty of those districts, and a right on the part of Great Britain to establish forts or factories, with clauses for the abolition of the Slave Trade. From the Pongas and Nunez rivers, little or no produce,

*Mr. Hutton, acting governor at the Gambia, effected an arrangement with the chief of Contalacunda, which being deemed a place of importance by our merchants, he did not consider 50 dollars annually (about 10%) ill bestowed in securing its chief's friendship.

except slaves, is exported. In 1827, Sir N. Campbell saw the chiefs of these rivers, and obtained "the cession of the most commanding points up the mouth of each." Mr. Hutton states, in 1829, that he made a treaty with the king of Woolli at Fattatenda, and obtained the full sovereignty of that town, with stipulations in favour of our commerce, for the payment in merchandise of 200 dollars annually. He also made a treaty with the king of Bondou, and observes, "The object of 300 or 400 dollars is trifling, compared with the advantage that would result from such a connexion with both these kings, whose influence extends not only through the whole of Bondou and Woolli, but also to the adjoining countries of Shendrum and Tanda, celebrated for gold, gum, &c." Though we have not availed ourselves of these openings, though the payments to the chiefs were soon suspended,- -some benefit seems to have been derived from these engagements. Rev. T. W. Fox, a Wesleyan missionary, as appears from his journal in my possession, paid a visit to Woolli in 1837, and urged upon the king the benefits of Christianity: "He," says Mr. Fox, "listened attentively, appeared pleased, and said that was what he wanted; and if I would come and sit down on his ground, he would give me as much land as I wished, and his own children to be educated." I replied, "That if I sent a missionary, I hoped he would protect him, and not allow anybody to trouble him;" Koy (the king) answered, "that he belonged to white man, and that if Tobaba fodey (the white priest) came to sit down in his kingdom, nobody should, or would, trouble him." He also said, "he hoped God would preserve me; the object I had in view was very good."

The king of Bondou, also, whom Mr. Fox likewise visited in 1838, offered to give him ground for a settlement, and said, “They were all glad to see him, and they loved him